Kurian Joseph Committee Proposes Major Federal Reforms

In a landmark intervention on India's federal structure, the High-Level Committee on Union-State Relations , chaired by former Supreme Court Justice Kurian Joseph, has submitted a comprehensive report to the Tamil Nadu Government . Formed amid growing tensions between the Centre and states, the report diagnoses a " creeping centralisation " of power and recommends sweeping constitutional amendments, institutional reforms, and policy overhauls. Key proposals include mandatory 15-day timelines for Governors to act on state bills, a firm rejection of the " One Nation, One Language " narrative, freezing inter-state seat delimitation until 2126 , and structural tweaks to the GST Council to enhance fiscal autonomy. These recommendations, if adopted, could fundamentally reshape the federal balance, reinforcing state powers in a system the committee argues has tilted perilously toward Union dominance.

Committee Background and Formation

The committee was constituted by the Tamil Nadu Government in April 2025 to examine principles of state autonomy and Union-state relations. Chaired by Justice Kurian Joseph, a retired Supreme Court judge known for his emphatic stance on federalism in cases like the Sabarimala review, the panel included M. Ashok Vardhan Shetty, a retired IAS officer, and Professor M. Naganathan, former Vice Chairman of the Tamil Nadu State Planning Commission . Notably, Justice Joseph served without remuneration, underscoring the report's non-partisan intent.

Spanning constitutional provisions, administrative practices, and policy domains like education, health, taxation, and elections, the report addresses what it terms a "sustained and creeping centralisation " eroding federalism. It positions federalism not as a mere division of legislative lists but as a "lived constitutional reality" impacting language, public services, healthcare, and democratic representation.

Diagnosis: Creeping Centralisation

The committee's core thesis is stark: "federalism in India is being gradually weakened not through dramatic constitutional rupture, but through incremental institutional, legislative and administrative shifts that cumulatively erode State autonomy." Drawing on the Supreme Court 's landmark ruling in S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994), which enshrined federalism as part of the Constitution's Basic Structure, the report laments how practice has reduced it to "administrative convenience."

Structural vulnerabilities highlighted include the ease of constitutional amendments under Article 368 without state ratification, Parliament's unilateral power under Article 3 to alter state boundaries, gubernatorial overreach , linguistic homogenisation pushes, and Union dominance in education, health, and GST. On GST, it cites Union of India v. Mohit Minerals Pvt. Ltd. (2022) to affirm that Council recommendations are merely advisory, yet fiscal realities favor the Centre.

A particularly scathing critique targets the Governor's office: "The office of the Governor, conceived as a neutral constitutional link between the Union and the States, has increasingly departed from its intended role. Each episode of gubernatorial overreach —manipulating government formation or collapse, refusing to summon the Assembly, withholding or indefinitely delaying assent, publicly criticising an elected government, or turning Raj Bhavan into a partisan outpost of the ruling dispensation at the Union—erodes confidence in the institution." This echoes the Supreme Court 's recent observations in State of Tamil Nadu v. Governor of Tamil Nadu (2023-24), which criticized delays in bill assent.

Reforming the Governor's Office

Central to the report is a overhaul of gubernatorial powers. Proposing amendments to Articles 200 and 201 , it mandates Governors to act on state bills within 15 days, with deemed assent if timelines lapse. Re-passed bills must receive assent in another 15 days, and reservations for the President limited to clear repugnancy cases, backed by written legal opinions and reasons within 60 days. No executive vetoes allowed.

Further curbs include appointing Governors from a state assembly-approved panel of three, a fixed five-year non-renewable term, removal via state assembly resolution, a new Thirteenth Schedule binding discretions, mandatory floor tests within seven days, deletion of Article 176 (special address), and divestment of university chancellor roles. These aim to neutralize the office as a "partisan outpost."

Language Policy Overhaul: Rejecting ' One Nation, One Language '

Dismissing the " One Nation, One Language " approach as antithetical to federalism, the committee urges amending Article 343 to entrench English permanently as the Union's official language, declaring all Eighth Schedule languages official, and expanding the Schedule to include languages with over one million speakers, vulnerable tribal tongues, and English itself. Articles 344 and 347 should be omitted, Article 351 reframed for all-India language preservation, and the Three-Language Formula replaced with English-regional bilingualism. Abolish permission-to-speak rules in legislatures and correct Census misclassifications lumping languages as Hindi dialects.

Safeguarding Federal Structure

To harden the federal edifice, the report seeks to amend Article 368 : two-thirds parliamentary majority, ratification by two-thirds of states (by population), state-specific consent for targeted changes, codification of the Basic Structure doctrine , three-month public consultations, and sunset reviews. For territory ( Articles 2, 3 ), require state consent or referendums, ban reorganisations under President's Rule, prohibit new Union Territories via new Article 3A , and mandate periodic UT referendums.

Delimitation, Representation, and Electoral Reforms

Extending the 1971 Census-based inter-state seat freeze to 2126 or fertility rate convergence, it proposes legislative scrutiny of delimitation, separate Union/State commissions, SC seat rotations, equal Rajya Sabha seats per state (six), domicile for members, and no nominated seats. Elections: Separate state commissions, scrap " One Nation One Election " (withdrawing 129th Amendment Bill, 2024 ), six-year defector bans, delete merger exceptions, High Court adjudication of defections, criminalise inducements, right to vote as fundamental, extend to undertrials/convicts, and duty to vote.

Shifting Education and Health Back to States

Reversing the 42nd Amendment , move education (including medical) to the State List, free top universities from central control, limit Union's Entry 66 to standards, disband NTA , abolish NEET/NExT via NMC Act amendments, voluntary state quotas. In health, Union to fund 80% of Centrally Sponsored Schemes or untied grants.

GST Council Reforms and Fiscal Autonomy

Amend Article 279A for balanced quorum/voting, reduce Union veto, affirm advisory nature, state-varying SGST bands, independent secretariat, GST Dispute Authority (SC judge-led), annual rate calendar, one-product-one-rate, federated GSTN , defer petroleum inclusion.

Legal Implications and Judicial Precedents

These proposals invoke and extend judicial precedents. The Bommai Basic Structure shield gains codification teeth, while TN Governor and Mohit Minerals provide footholds for timelines and advisory GST. Yet, Article 368 's simplicity poses ratification hurdles—Parliament may resist state vetoes. Litigation could surge: states challenging delays under new timelines, GST disputes invoking advisory status, or delimitation via referendums. The report's sunset reviews and consultations could judicialize amendments, testing Kesavananda Bharati limits.

Broader Impacts on Legal Practice

For constitutional lawyers, this heralds a boom in federalism advisory, PILs on Governor actions, and amendment challenges. Firms may counsel states on referendums or GST variations; election lawyers tackle defection shifts to High Courts. Policymakers face a blueprint amid coalition dynamics, potentially galvanizing opposition states like Tamil Nadu, Kerala. Judiciary gains reinforcement against overreach but risks overload. Long-term, it could foster " cooperative federalism " or deepen divides if ignored.

Looking Ahead

The Kurian Joseph Committee's report is a clarion call to arrest federal erosion, blending judicial wisdom with pragmatic reforms. While implementation demands political will—likely via state resolutions or SC petitions—its ideas invigorate debate on India's quasi-federalism . As states invoke Bommai anew, legal professionals must engage: is this the federal reset India needs, or a southern wishlist? The coming years will tell.