US Constitution Trumps Presidential Tariff Powers

In a sharp critique that resonates across transatlantic legal circles, Indian senior advocate Arvind Datar asserts in his "Legal Notes" that the US Constitution ultimately trumps expansive presidential tariff impositions. Focusing on former President Donald Trump's tariffs against countries including India, Datar highlights how these measures—framed as responses to national emergencies—stretch statutory limits and collide with core constitutional principles. Trump's actions, grounded in the National Emergencies Act (NEA) and the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) , targeted trade deficits but were applied arbitrarily, raising profound questions about executive overreach in trade policy.

This analysis is particularly timely as legal professionals grapple with lingering tariff regimes under the Biden administration and potential escalations in a second Trump term. Datar's piece underscores the tension between Congress's Article I authority over tariffs and commerce, and the executive's delegated emergency powers, offering critical insights for trade litigators, constitutional scholars, and international counsel.

Trump's Tariff Strategy and Emergency Declaration

President Trump's tariff offensive began in earnest in 2018 , invoking national security and emergency powers to impose duties on steel, aluminum, and myriad consumer goods. Countries like Canada, Mexico, China, and India faced levies, with India hit by 25% steel and 10% aluminum tariffs in 2018 before partial relief in 2019 .

Datar pinpoints the foundation: "President Trump’s tariffs on various countries, including India, was founded on a declaration of national emergency under the National Emergency Act to deal with two foreign threats: first, large scale inflow of drugs into the US from Mexico, Canada and China; secondly, the huge trade deficit that had destroyed the American manufacturing base."

The drug threat linked to border emergencies (Proclamation 9844), but tariffs primarily addressed the trade imbalance, framed as existential to US industry. Proclamations like 9704 ( May 2019 ) and 9705 expanded IEEPA to declare trade deficits a "national emergency," enabling blocking transactions and asset freezes—repurposed for tariffs.

Datar notes the caprice: "Tariffs were imposed to meet the second threat arising because of the huge trade deficit. The tariffs were imposed at random on various countries and were increased or decreased several times by President Trump." This yo-yo policy—e.g., escalating China tariffs from 10% to 25%, then negotiating Phase One deals—exemplified unilateralism, bypassing Congress and WTO norms.

Statutory Framework: NEA and IEEPA

The National Emergencies Act of 1976 ( 50 U.S.C. §§ 1601 et seq. ) formalized emergency declarations, requiring congressional renewal but rarely enforced. Trump declared over 60, renewing predecessors.

Enter IEEPA (50 U.S.C. §§ 1701-1707), enacted 1977 to curb executive abuses post-Nixon. "The President acted under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, 1997 (IEEPA). Under Sections 1701 and 1702 of this Act, the President has wide powers to deal with foreign threats." (Note: Enacted 1977 , not 1997.)

Section 1701(a) authorizes the President, upon declaring a national emergency "in response to any unusual and extraordinary threat... to the national security, foreign policy, or economy," to "deal with" it via economic measures. Section 1702 empowers regulations to "block" transactions, regulate imports/exports.

Courts historically defer, viewing "threat" broadly (e.g., Regan v. Wald , 468 U.S. 222 (1984), upholding Cuban asset freezes). Trump's innovation: Trade deficits as "extraordinary threats," despite routine $500B+ annual gaps.

Constitutional Challenges: Why the Constitution Trumps

Datar's titular claim— "The US Constitution trumps tariffs" —invokes Article I, Section 8 : Congress's exclusive power "to lay and collect... Duties" and "regulate Commerce with foreign Nations." Tariffs are legislative, not executive, domain.

IEEPA's delegation is broad but vulnerable to non-delegation doctrine revival. Post- Gundy v. United States (588 U.S. 128 ( 2019 )), where Justice Gorsuch dissented, and amid Jarkesy v. SEC (2024), intelligble principle tests loom. Is "unusual and extraordinary threat" sufficient? Critics argue trade policy delegation via Section 232 ( Trade Expansion Act 1962 ) and IEEPA erodes congressional primacy.

Moreover, emergencies must be genuine; routine deficits aren't "unusual." Arbitrary application violates Administrative Procedure Act (APA) "arbitrary and capricious" standard ( State Nat'l Bank v. United States , D.D.C. 2019 , dismissing but noting justiciability).

Equal Protection whispers: Random targeting discriminates without rationale, echoing Bolling v. Sharpe equal protection for economic rights.

Judicial Responses and Key Precedents

Trump tariffs faced volleys. In Transpacific Steel LLC v. United States ( Fed. Cir. 2020), court upheld Section 232 steel tariffs, deferring to executive national security. AI Sunshine Window Coverings, Inc. v. United States ( Fed. Cir. 2022) affirmed IEEPA list additions.

Yet fissures emerge: Sierra Club v. Trump ( D.D.C. 2019 ) struck wall funding as ultra vires , signaling reviewability. Pending cases like Reason.com v. Trump challenged NEA non-renewal reporting. Post-Trump, Customs & Int'l Trade Bar Ass'n v. U.S. tests Biden tariffs.

Datar's view aligns with scholars urging non-delegation enforcement, potentially via major questions doctrine ( West Virginia v. EPA , 597 U.S. 697 (2022)).

Impacts on India and Global Trade

India, exporting $500M steel to US, retaliated with duties on US almonds/nuts. Trump's 2019 removal post-negotiation showed leverage, but highlighted vulnerability. WTO complaints (DS547) stalled amid US blockade.

Globally, tariffs distorted supply chains, spiked prices (US consumers paid $80B+ per studies), fueled inflation.

Broader Implications for Legal Practice

Trade lawyers now wield Datar's analysis in counseling: Challenge via CIT/CAFC under APA, urge Congress for IEEPA reforms (e.g., ARTICLE ONE Act requiring congressional approval). Constitutional litigators eye test cases.

For M&A, compliance surges with tariff flux. International counsel advise derisking via USMCA/CPTPP.

Executives risk contempt if courts cabin emergencies, impacting national security dockets.

Conclusion

Arvind Datar 's "Legal Notes" illuminates how IEEPA's "wide powers" buckle under constitutional scrutiny. Trump's tariffs, though statutorily rooted, exemplify overreach demanding judicial and legislative guardrails. As trade wars loom, legal professionals must champion Article I to prevent executive tariff tyranny.