Can Section 498A Protect Same-Sex Couples? 's Lokesh B.H. Ruling Leaves Gender Gap Unaddressed
The 's recent decision in was widely celebrated for extending the protective umbrella of (now ) to unmarried live-in partners. By reading "" to include a man in a , the Court appeared to modernize a provision originally designed to combat dowry-related cruelty within wedlock. Yet a deeper examination reveals that the ruling leaves a critical gap untouched: same-sex couples remain entirely outside the provision's reach, not because of a test about marital intent, but because of the statute's unyielding gendered architecture.
Section 498A does not merely require a relationship resembling marriage. It requires a "," and it requires a "her."
The offence is defined as cruelty by a
"
or relative of
"
to "a
." No amount of
can make two women or two men fit into these roles without rewriting the very identity of the perpetrator and victim. This is a structural barrier that no
—no matter how elegantly designed—can overcome.
The Lokesh B.H. Decision and Its Limits
In Lokesh B.H. , the held that an unmarried man who cohabits with a in a relationship that bears all the hallmarks of marriage can be prosecuted as a "" under Section 498A. The Court thereby replaced the requirement of a formal marital tie with a "marriage-proximity" test: did the parties intend to marry, or did they present themselves as married to the world? This was a significant expansion of the provision's reach, bringing thousands of live-in relationships within the ambit of criminal protection.
But the criticism was swift and pointed. The , critics argued, still excludes partners who cannot marry—most notably, same-sex couples for whom marriage remains unavailable under Indian law. The suggested fix was to replace the with a purely functional one: ask not whether the parties intended to marry, but whether they shared a home, finances, and a genuine relationship of interdependence. On that logic, a same-sex couple satisfying every marker of a committed would qualify for protection just as readily as a heterosexual one.
Yet, as the source analysis makes clear, that fix runs into a second and more stubborn obstacle—one that a cannot solve at all.
The Gender-Specific Wall
Work through the two possible same-sex configurations and the problem becomes concrete. In a relationship between two women, the victim role is available, since the complainant is indeed a . But nothing in Lokesh B.H. , or in the decades of precedent it builds on, suggests that a can be read into the role of "." The extension the Court made was to bring an unmarried man within the definition of ; it was never suggested, and there is no principled basis to suggest, that the same interpretive move could bring in a female partner. So a lesbian couple, however long they have lived together, cannot complete the offence, because there is no in the relationship to prosecute.
A relationship between two men fails even earlier. Section 498A does not engage at all unless the victim is a . It does not matter whether the couple's relationship mimics marriage in every particular, whether they intended to marry, or whether one of them has subjected the other to years of documented cruelty. The provision was not written with a male complainant in view, and no reading of "," however generous, changes who counts as the victim. The marriage-proximity debate that Lokesh B.H. provoked never even arises for a gay couple, because the threshold question of sex forecloses it first.
Comparison with the
This is not a new pattern in Indian domestic-violence law. The , defines "" as an adult person in a with the , and originally confined that role to an "adult male person." In , the struck down the words "adult male" from that definition, holding that confining relief to a male defeated the Act's purpose and that a could seek protection from a female relative just as she could from a male one.
That is the only instance in which an Indian court has actually severed gendered language from one half of a domestic-violence provision. But it is worth noticing exactly what Harsora did and did not do. It neutralised the —the perpetrator side of the equation. It left the "" defined, as it still is today, as "any ." A man abused by a partner, of either sex, remains outside the 's protection even after Harsora , because the victim-side limitation was never before the Court and has never been read down since.
Read together,
Harsora
and
Lokesh B.H.
suggest an asymmetry that matters for where the law actually stands today.
Harsora
's holding, applied to its logical end, means a
in a same-sex relationship can in principle name her female partner as a
under the
, since "
" no longer requires a man. Whether a live-in same-sex relationship qualifies as a "
" under
still depends on the same
"
"
language that
Lokesh B.H.
wrestles with for Section 498A, so this route is not free of the marriage-proximity problem either, only free of the problem. A gay man has no equivalent opening.
The Limits of Judicial Interpretation
It might be asked why a court could not simply do to "" what Lokesh B.H. did to "": read it purposively to cover a male victim too. The two moves are not equivalent. Reading an unmarried man into "" left the class Section 498A protects untouched; it only expanded who could be held liable for harming a —a class already recognised. Reading a man into "" would expand the protected class itself.
Section 498A was inserted into the Penal Code in specifically to address cruelty and dowry-related harassment inflicted on women within marriage and marriage-like arrangements—a history the provision's text, structure and were built around. Courts extending a penal provision to conduct did not contemplate face a real constraint, rooted in the , that does not apply the same way to broadening who may invoke a protection that already exists. That asymmetry is why Harsora could sever "adult male" from a civil remedy's respondents while nothing comparable has been attempted for a criminal offence's definition of its victim.
None of this means a same-sex partner subjected to domestic cruelty has no recourse under Indian criminal law. The 's general provisions on hurt, grievous hurt and criminal intimidation—in and beyond—are written in : "whoever" causes hurt to "any person," regardless of the parties' sex or relationship. But these are not a substitute for what Section 498A offers. Section 498A recognises cruelty within an , including that would rarely meet the threshold for ordinary "hurt," and it carries an , along with the Lokesh B.H. extends, that a does not replicate. Relying on the general hurt provisions is real recourse, but it is not the protection Section 498A was built to provide.
The Parliamentary Solution
The more direct route runs through , not the courts: rewriting , and alongside it, in —protecting any person from cruelty inflicted by a partner with whom they share a , regardless of the sex of either party. That would close both gaps at once: the marriage-proximity one Lokesh B.H. leaves open and the sex-specificity one it does not even reach.
Until then, a , however well designed, will still run into the same wall that a gay couple hits before the marriage question is ever asked, and that a lesbian couple hits immediately after it. The recodification of the Penal Code into the was an obvious occasion to modernise the language, yet Section 85 BNS reproduces the original gendered phrasing without a single change. That legislative silence speaks volumes about the political will—or lack thereof—to address this gap.
Conclusion
The criticism of
Lokesh B.H.
must be reframed. Replacing the intent-to-marry requirement with a
of interdependence is a necessary correction, and the Court had the tools to make it without stepping outside the interpretive method it already used to bring unmarried partners within the provision. But it would not, on its own, complete the job. Severing
"
"
from
is a question of how broadly a phrase already in the statute should be read. Severing "
" and "
" from Section 498A is a question of who the offence protects and whom it targets in the first place—and courts have been markedly more cautious about rewriting the identity of a criminal offence's victim and perpetrator than about enlarging a civil remedy's list of eligible respondents.
For now, the law remains an unequal shield. It protects some intimate relationships but not others, not because of any failing in the relationship itself, but because of words that wrote and has not yet chosen to change. The legal profession must recognise that the battle for inclusive domestic-violence protection is not over—it has only just begun.