Madras High Court Observes 'Almost Impossible' to Register Corruption Cases Against Powerful Figures

The Madras High Court’s recent oral observations during a contempt proceedings have laid bare a systemic hurdle that civil society and the judiciary themselves face in pursuing corruption allegations against the influential. While hearing a petition filed by the NGO Arappor Iyakkam over the protracted delay in obtaining sanction to prosecute two IAS officers in a tender irregularities case involving former minister SP Velumani, Justice N. Anand Venkatesh expressed deep frustration at the near impossibility of registering corruption cases against powerful individuals in the country.

“How difficult it is to register corruption cases against powerful people in this country? A judge sitting in this court is trying and trying. If there were no public-spirited persons or judges, there would not be any corruption cases against anyone in this country. Everyone will be a holy cow,” the court remarked, highlighting a simmering judicial discontent with the sluggish pace of anti-corruption mechanisms.

The case, which has been pending since the filing of an FIR by the Directorate of Vigilance and Anti-Corruption (DVAC) in 2021, centres on alleged irregularities amounting to ₹98.25 crore in the award of road contracts by the Chennai and Coimbatore municipal corporations between 2014 and 2018. Velumani, who served as the Minister for Municipal Administration and Water Supply, is accused of abusing his official position to favour relatives and close associates in the tendering process.

A Frustrated Bench

The contempt petition was filed after the DVAC failed to comply with earlier directions to file a final report in the jurisdictional court. Although the DVAC eventually submitted the report, the court was informed that sanction under the Prevention of Corruption Act to prosecute two IAS officers—KS Kandasamy and K Vijayakarthikeyan—was still pending approval from the Union government.

During hearings, it emerged that the sanction proposal had been sent to New Delhi in November 2025, and clarifications requested by the Union Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions were provided by February 14, 2026. Yet, the files remained stuck. The court was also told that the concerned officers had requested a personal hearing, and further delay occurred because the municipal administration was preoccupied with election work.

Unimpressed by these explanations, the court impleaded the Secretary to the Department of Personnel and Training and later the Under Secretary in the Union Ministry of Personnel, seeking a status report on the sanction proposal. The court’s pointed questions reflected its growing impatience: “I think we've reached a point where Indians are not much agitated about corruption. On the one hand we're saying we're against corruption. And on another all this is happening. What are they doing with the files? Isn't there a time limit for dealing with files against corruption?”

The Velumani Case

The genesis of the case lies in a complaint by Arappor Iyakkam, which led the DVAC to register an FIR under Sections 120B read with 420 and 409 of the Indian Penal Code, and Section 13(2) read with 13(1)(c) and 13(1)(d) of the Prevention of Corruption Act. When some of the companies involved approached the High Court to quash the FIR, the court refused and directed the DVAC to file a final report after obtaining the necessary sanction. That direction gave rise to the contempt petition.

Justice Venkatesh noted that the case pertained to alleged corruption between 2014 and 2018, and the DVAC should have handled it with “alacrity” and brought it to a close at the earliest. The court’s previous criticism of the DVAC for delays in obtaining sanction from the Union government underscored a systemic bottleneck that often stalls proceedings against senior bureaucrats and politicians.

Sanction Saga

The requirement of sanction under Section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act is a safeguard designed to prevent frivolous prosecutions of public servants. However, as this case illustrates, the process can become a tool for indefinite delay, especially when the accused hold considerable political or administrative clout. The court’s decision to implead the Union Ministry directly reflects its determination to pierce the bureaucratic opacity that had enveloped the sanction file for months.

The NGO’s counsel argued that the delay was egregious and that the lack of any statutory time limit for granting or refusing sanction enabled the executive to keep files pending indefinitely. The court’s remarks implicitly endorsed this concern, questioning why there was no prescribed timeline for dealing with corruption-related files.

Judicial Observations and Public Faith

Justice Venkatesh’s observations strike at the heart of the public’s waning faith in anti-corruption mechanisms. By stating that “everyone will be a holy cow” in the absence of public-spirited persons or judges, the court acknowledged that the system, left to itself, tends to protect the powerful. This judicial candor is rare and underscores the frustration of trial and appellate courts that see cases languishing due to executive inaction.

The remarks also highlight the indispensable role of civil society and the media in keeping corruption cases alive. Without persistent petitioners like Arappor Iyakkam, and without judges willing to call out delays, many cases would likely never see the light of day.

Broader Implications for Legal Practice

For legal practitioners, this case serves as a stark reminder of the procedural hurdles inherent in corruption litigation. The sanction requirement, while constitutionally valid, can be weaponised to stymie proceedings. The court’s willingness to implead senior officials from the Union Ministry may set a precedent for other cases where sanction delays are used to frustrate justice.

Moreover, the High Court’s comments could prompt the legislature to consider introducing time limits for sanction decisions, as recommended by various law commissions. The case also reinforces the importance of contempt jurisdiction as a tool to enforce compliance with judicial directions in anti-corruption matters.

Conclusion

The Madras High Court’s candid observations in the Arappor Iyakkam contempt petition have once again brought to the fore the systemic inertia that plagues corruption prosecutions against powerful individuals. As the court continues to monitor the sanction file, the legal community will watch closely to see whether the executive branch responds with alacrity or further delay. The episode underscores a fundamental truth: without persistent judicial oversight and civil society activism, the fight against corruption in India remains an uphill battle.