Supreme Court 9-Judge Bench Data Shows Severe Underrepresentation of Backward Classes in High Courts

In a landmark constitutional examination, a nine-judge bench of the Supreme Court of India convened to scrutinize the appropriate procedure for appointing judges to constitutional courts. Among the five separate opinions delivered, one judge meticulously presented a tabular chart highlighting the stark underrepresentation of Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Other Backward Classes (OBC) in the higher judiciary. The data, sourced from government submissions in Parliament as of March 31, 1993, paints a disheartening picture of marginalisation that has persisted for decades.

The bench’s broader mandate was to determine the correct legal framework for judicial appointments—a process that has long been debated between the executive and the judiciary. Yet, the representation of diverse castes, communities, and religions emerged as a critical lens through which this constitutional issue was examined. The judge’s chart provided a numerical reality check: out of 543 judges working across various High Courts on that date, only 12 (2.21%) were from the SC community, and a mere 42 (7.73%) belonged to the OBC category. The ST community fared even worse, with just 7 judges (1.29%) on the bench. These figures, drawn from official data, underscore a systemic failure to ensure that the judiciary reflects the social fabric of the nation.

The Alarming Regional Disparities

Perhaps the most shocking revelation was the complete absence of backward class representation in several of India’s largest and busiest High Courts. The data revealed that the Punjab & Haryana High Court, with 29 judges, had no SC or OBC judge. Similarly, the Madhya Pradesh High Court (26 judges), Calcutta High Court (27 judges), Delhi High Court (25 judges), Rajasthan High Court (22 judges), Patna High Court (33 judges), and Orissa High Court (13 judges) all lacked a single judge from these communities. The Andhra Pradesh High Court, with 24 judges, had no SC judge but did have three OBC judges. These numbers expose a geographic concentration of exclusion, where entire regions with substantial backward class populations saw no judicial representation from those communities.

Such data, presented in the Supreme Court’s deliberation, highlights a persistent blind spot in the appointment process. While the judiciary has often been lauded for its independence, the composition of its higher echelons reveals a lack of inclusivity that undermines its legitimacy. The nine-judge bench’s decision to engage with this data signals a growing recognition within the apex court that diversity is not merely a social good but a constitutional imperative.

Why Representation Matters in the Judiciary

The underrepresentation of backward classes in the High Courts raises fundamental questions about the justice system’s ability to administer impartial justice. Judges from marginalized communities bring lived experiences and perspectives that enrich judicial reasoning, particularly in cases involving caste discrimination, reservation policies, and social justice. When a bench lacks such diversity, there is a risk that the law is interpreted through a narrow, homogenous lens, potentially alienating the very communities the judiciary is meant to serve.

Legal scholars have long argued that a representative judiciary enhances public trust. Citizens are more likely to accept court rulings when they see judges who understand their social realities. The absence of SC, ST, and OBC judges in major High Courts may perpetuate a perception that the judiciary is an elite institution, detached from the struggles of the vast majority of Indians. The Supreme Court’s examination of this issue within the context of appointment procedures suggests that the collegium system—which primarily vests appointment power in the Chief Justice and senior judges—may inadvertently perpetuate existing biases.

Constitutional and Legal Framework

The Indian Constitution, through Articles 124 and 217, establishes the mechanism for appointing judges to the Supreme Court and High Courts. While these provisions do not explicitly mandate caste-based quotas, the overarching principles of equality and non-discrimination under Articles 14, 15, and 16 impose a duty on the state to ensure that public institutions are broadly representative. The Supreme Court has previously held that affirmative action is permissible to achieve substantive equality. In the context of judicial appointments, this could mean adopting measures to proactively identify and elevate candidates from backward classes.

The nine-judge bench’s deliberation is part of a larger ongoing discourse on judicial appointments, including the role of the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC), which was struck down by the Supreme Court in 2015. That decision upheld the primacy of the collegium but also acknowledged the need for transparency and broader consultation. The current examination of representation within that framework suggests that the court is willing to address the democratic deficit in the appointment process.

Implications for Legal Practice and the Justice System

For legal practitioners, the Supreme Court’s focus on backward class representation has immediate and long-term implications. Law firms, bar associations, and legal educators must grapple with the reality that the pipeline to the higher judiciary is skewed. The data from 1993, while dated, reflects a systemic problem that has likely persisted, despite some improvements in recent years. The absence of robust data on the current composition of High Courts makes it difficult to assess progress, but anecdotal evidence suggests that underrepresentation remains a serious issue.

Moreover, the court’s willingness to rely on government data to highlight disparities could embolden public interest litigations seeking to compel the state to collect and disclose diversity statistics for the judiciary. This may lead to constitutional challenges against appointment procedures that fail to account for representation. For now, the nine-judge bench’s opinions—five separate judgments—will provide a rich source of legal analysis for future arguments on the intersection of judicial independence and social justice.

A Call for Structural Reform

The shocking statistics presented in the Supreme Court are not merely historical footnotes; they are a clarion call for structural reform. The appointment process must evolve to include mechanisms that identify and nurture talent from backward communities. This could involve mentoring programs, expanded eligibility criteria, and greater transparency in the collegium’s deliberations. Some have suggested that a judicial appointments commission, with representation from diverse stakeholders, could help ensure a more inclusive bench.

The Supreme Court itself has recognized that the judiciary must mirror the society it serves. The nine-judge bench’s engagement with this data is a step toward institutional introspection. However, translating awareness into action will require a concerted effort from all branches of government, the bar, and civil society. The marginalisation of backward classes in the higher judiciary is not a problem that will correct itself; it demands deliberate, sustained intervention.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s nine-judge bench, by examining the representation of backward classes in High Courts, has shone a light on a deeply entrenched issue. The data from 1993, showing that many of India’s largest High Courts had no SC or OBC judges, is a stark reminder of how far the judiciary still has to go in achieving true inclusivity. As the legal community digests the opinions from this bench, the conversation must shift from acknowledging the problem to implementing solutions. For the millions of Indians who look to the courts for justice, a bench that reflects their diversity is not a luxury—it is a constitutional necessity.