Supreme Court Hears Shinde Faction's Argument on Legislative Majority Test for Shiv Sena Symbol

The Eknath Shinde faction of the Shiv Sena on Wednesday argued before the Supreme Court that the Constitution Bench’s decision in Subhash Desai did not completely jettison the “legislative majority test” for determining which rival faction constitutes the real political party. The submission came in response to an appeal filed by the Uddhav Thackeray faction challenging the Election Commission of India’s (ECI) decision to allot the official party symbol—the bow and arrow—to the Shinde-led group.

Senior Advocate Neeraj Kishan Kaul, representing the Shinde faction, made the submissions before a bench comprising Chief Justice Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi, and Justice V. Mohana. The hearing focused on the interplay between the Symbols Order, the party constitution, and the criteria for resolving intra-party disputes. Kaul contested the Thackeray faction’s assertion that the ECI had acted beyond its jurisdiction by examining the validity of the Shiv Sena’s 2018 party constitution.

The Legislative Majority Test Under the Symbols Order

Kaul emphasized that the Subhash Desai judgment did not erase the relevance of legislative majority when applying paragraph 15 of the Symbols Order. “It’s factually and legally incorrect to say that Subhash Desai said that in Symbols Order, legislative party has no mention and thus no place and can’t be looked at,” he told the bench. He clarified that the Constitution Bench had merely distinguished between the legislative party and the political party in the context of whip appointments, not for the purpose of symbol allocation.

“Relying on Sadiq Ali , it says that legislative majority test is a relevant test under para 15,” Kaul argued. He further noted that the Subhash Desai judgment recognized the importance of votes and legislative majority, and that to claim the test was “completely ousted and done away with is a complete incorrect reading.” He pointed out that the ECI order on the symbol dispute was passed before the Subhash Desai verdict, and thus the Commission had not violated any binding precedent. “Para after para in Subhash Desai says ‘fashion the test as per your wisdom in facts of a particular case’,” he added.

ECI’s Jurisdiction and the 2018 Party Constitution

A significant portion of the argument centered on the ECI’s authority to examine party constitutions. Kaul submitted that since 1994, the ECI has consistently directed all political parties to adopt democratic constitutions. “Reason is that if there is ad-hocism and if there is arbitrariness, how do we determine who represents the majority? Political party’s majority is a relevant test, that it must have elected members of overwhelming numbers,” he said. He cited earlier ECI orders criticizing feudal and autocratic practices in some parties, and noted that the Commission had written to parties urging compliance with Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act.

Turning to the Shiv Sena’s internal documents, Kaul argued that the 2018 amendment to the party constitution fundamentally altered the democratic character established in 1999. “Shiv Sena at some stage came and said that our constitution does not permit elections. ECI persuaded Shiv Sena and late Sh. Balasaheb Thackeray agreed to it and came forward… and an amended constitution (1999) came into being, incorporating all principles of democratic functioning,” he recounted. The 2018 constitution, he claimed, was never registered with the ECI, and the only defense offered by the Thackeray faction was that they had “informed” the Commission. “ECI has given a categorical finding that we do not possess this constitution. It was never registered with us,” Kaul said, adding that the Subhash Desai judgment itself directed the Speaker to look only at the constitution registered with the ECI.

Allegations of Estoppel and Ideological Alignment

The Uddhav faction had contended that Shinde himself held a post under the 2018 constitution and could not now call it undemocratic. Kaul dismissed this as a misplaced estoppel argument. “This matter is not about estoppel against me as if I am challenging election to a post under the Constitution… this is about the test that ECI employs to determine who represents majority in the political party,” he explained.

He also addressed the Uddhav faction’s claim that the ECI lacked jurisdiction to entertain a dispute absent a prior split. Kaul recounted that discontent had been brewing within the party after the Uddhav-led faction aligned with parties ideologically opposed to the Shiv Sena’s core philosophy. “Dissents don’t happen overnight. Ultimately, people said this can’t go on and resolution said you have an autocratic setup, no one can voice any concern. It was then that a petition under para 15 was made to ECI to say that there is a split in the party and we represent the real Shiv Sena,” he stated.

Significance of the Post of Paksh Pramukh

Kaul also clarified that the post of Paksh Pramukh (party chief) was not a creation of the 2018 constitution but had existed earlier, frozen in memory of the late Balasaheb Thackeray. He argued that the 2018 constitution did not introduce any new position; rather, it sought to concentrate power in a manner contrary to the democratic principles that the ECI had mandated.

Next Steps and Broader Implications

The arguments from the Uddhav faction, led by Senior Advocates Kapil Sibal and Devadatt Kamat, were heard earlier. The hearing is scheduled to resume on September 15, with Senior Advocate Maninder Singh and Kaul expected to continue submissions on the symbols dispute, followed by Senior Advocate Dhruv Mehta addressing the disqualification issue.

The case, Sunil Prabhu v. Eknath Shinde (SLP(C) No. 1644-1662/2024), carries significant implications for the interpretation of the Symbols Order and the balance between internal party democracy and legislative majority. The Supreme Court’s eventual ruling will likely shape how the ECI handles future factional disputes, particularly where party constitutions are alleged to be undemocratic. Legal observers are keenly awaiting the Court’s guidance on whether the legislative majority test can still serve as a primary indicator of a party’s true representative, even after Subhash Desai .