Supreme Court Questions ECI Reliance on Legislative Majority Test Without Considering Freezing Shiv Sena Symbol

The Supreme Court of India on Wednesday sharply questioned the Election Commission of India (ECI) for failing to consider whether to freeze the Shiv Sena's reserved election symbol—the bow and arrow—rather than awarding it to either faction in the ongoing dispute between the Uddhav Thackeray and Eknath Shinde camps. A bench comprising Chief Justice Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi, and Justice V Mohana heard arguments in the challenge filed by Uddhav Thackeray against the ECI's October 2022 decision under Paragraph 15 of the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968, which recognized the Shinde faction as the real Shiv Sena and granted it the exclusive use of the party's symbol.

Justice Bagchi, who led the questioning, pressed the ECI on its reasoning for adopting the legislative-majority test without even examining the residual option of not awarding the symbol to either side. The judge noted that the Commission's order considered only three possible courses of action under Paragraph 15—examining the party constitution and organizational structure, applying an organizational-majority test, or applying a legislative-majority test—but omitted any discussion of the fourth option: declaring neither faction entitled to the symbol and effectively freezing it.

Background: The Symbol Dispute

The dispute arose after the Shiv Sena split in June 2022, when Eknath Shinde led a rebellion against then-party president Uddhav Thackeray, eventually forming a government with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Both factions claimed to be the true political party. The ECI, after a lengthy inquiry, invoked Paragraph 15 and ruled that the Shinde faction commanded a majority in the legislative wing and therefore was entitled to the party symbol. Thackeray challenged this decision before the Supreme Court, arguing that the ECI should have considered the party's organizational structure instead of relying solely on legislative strength.

During earlier hearings, the Court had flagged concerns about the ECI's approach, including its disregard for the possibility of allotting a neutral symbol. Wednesday's arguments focused squarely on whether the Commission had properly exercised its discretion under Paragraph 15.

The Fourth Option: A 'Death Sentence' for the Party?

Justice Bagchi observed that the ECI is vested with four broad options when adjudicating inter-faction disputes: (a) rely on the party Constitution and organizational elections, (b) apply an organizational-majority test , (c) apply a legislative-majority test , or (d) as a last resort, decline to allocate the reserved symbol to either group. He stressed that option (d) is an exceptional course—a " rarest of rare " scenario, akin to pronouncing "a death sentence on the party" —yet the Commission did not even mention it in its order.

“Now the authority has four options. It looked into only three options. We would have understood a line saying that, no, this is not a case where we can go for the fourth option because of the sentiments attached to this very profound symbol and a historical attachment, which none of the parties or the factions would have agreed. We would have accepted,” Justice Bagchi remarked.

He contrasted the ECI's silence with its handling of the Congress party symbol dispute in Sadiq Ali and Anr. v. Election Commission of India , where the Commission expressly considered the historical significance of the symbol and the disruptive impact of freezing it. In the present case, no such reasoning was provided.

The Fragility of the Legislative-Majority Test

Senior Advocate Neeraj Kishan Kaul, representing the Shinde faction, defended the ECI's reliance on the legislative-majority test, arguing that Paragraph 15 does not prescribe any specific test and that the Commission has the flexibility to fashion an appropriate test based on the facts. He pointed out that the ECI found the party Constitution and organizational majority tests unworkable and therefore legitimately turned to legislative strength.

Justice Bagchi, however, drew attention to the Constitution Bench judgment in Subhash Desai v. Principal Secretary, Governor of Maharashtra , which extensively discussed the limitations of the legislative-majority test. Although the Bench in Subhash Desai did not conclusively rule on the merits of the ECI's Paragraph 15 decision, it described the legislative-majority test using terms such as "weak", "diluted", "futile", and "debatable". Justice Bagchi wondered how these observations could be reconciled with the proposition that the test remains permissible.

“If none of these tests appear to be strong, then what else? Why give a prize to one? Cancel it,” he said, emphasizing that the residual option should have been evaluated when the available tests are fragile.

Kaul countered that the Subhash Desai judgment did not eliminate the legislative-majority test as a permissible option, and the ECI had provided reasons for its choice. Justice Bagchi acknowledged that the Court is not to substitute its own assessment for that of an expert body like the ECI, but reiterated that judicial review can still examine whether a relevant consideration—such as the fourth option—was left unaddressed.

Judicial Review and the Manner of Decision-Making

The bench made clear that its intervention was not about dictating which option the ECI should have chosen, but about scrutinizing the process by which the Commission reached its conclusion. Justice Bagchi framed the issue as a classic judicial review question: if four alternatives are open to an authority and it considers only three, does the failure to even ponder the fourth render the decision liable to intervention?

“When we see judicial review, if four options are open and the authority does not address the fourth option, will we say the decision is liable to intervention in judicial review. We are not to decide, but we are to see the manner in which that is addressed,” he observed.

Kaul requested time to address this question, and the Court adjourned the hearing to the following day.

Implications for Political Party Disputes

The case has significant ramifications for how the ECI handles intra-party disputes under the Election Symbols Order. If the Supreme Court holds that the Commission must consider the option of freezing the symbol—or at least provide reasons for excluding it—future disputes may require a more holistic assessment that goes beyond simply counting legislative heads. The judgment could also affect the weight given to organizational majority versus legislative majority, especially in light of the Subhash Desai decision's critique of the latter.

Legal practitioners specializing in election law are closely watching the proceedings. A ruling that mandates the ECI to consider all four options could introduce greater procedural rigor and potentially reduce the politicization of symbol allotment. Conversely, if the Court defers to the Commission's discretion, the ECI's existing framework—favoring legislative majority in fractured parties—may remain entrenched.

The hearing continues tomorrow, with the Shinde faction expected to elaborate on why the fourth option was rightly omitted. The final outcome will likely shape the legal landscape for party splits and symbol allocation ahead of the next general elections.

Conclusion

As the Supreme Court delves deeper into the ECI's decision-making process, the central question remains: can an expert body ignore a plainly available course of action without explanation? Justice Bagchi's pointed queries suggest that the bench is inclined to hold the Commission to a higher standard of reasoning. For now, the fate of the Shiv Sena's bow and arrow symbol—and the legitimacy of the faction claiming it—hangs in the balance.