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2024 Supreme(Bom) 81

IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT BOMBAY
G.S. PATEL, NEELA GOKHALE, JJ.
Kunal Kamra – Petitioner
Versus
Union of India, Represented by the Secretary, Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology – Respondent
Writ Petition (L) No. 9792 Of 2023 With Writ Petition (L) No. 14955 Of 2023 With Interim Application (L) No. 17704 Of 2023 With Writ Petition No. 7953 Of 2023
Decided On : 31-01-2024

Advocates Appeared:
For the Petitioners: Mr. Navroz Seervai, Sr. Adv. and Mr. Darius Khambata, Sr. Adv., with Arti Raghavan, Vrinda Bhandari, Gayatri Malhotra, Abhinav Sekhri & Tanmay Singh, i/b Meenaz Kakalia, Mr. Shadan Farasat with Hrishika Jha & Natasha Maheshwari, i/b Bimal Rajsekhar, Mr. Arvind Datar, Sr. Adv. with Nisha Bhambani, Rahul Unnikrishnan & Bharat Manghani, i/b Gautam Jain, Mr. Gautam Bhatia with Radhika Roy, i/b Aditi Saxena.
For the Respondents: Mr. Tushar Mehta, Solicitor General & Mr Devang Vyas, Add. Solicitor General With Rajat Nair, Gaurang Bhushan, Aman Mehta, D.P. Singh, Savita Ganoo, Anush Amin, Vaishnavi, Bhuvnesh Kumar, Addl Secretary, Vikram Sahay, Director & Ritesh Kumar Sahu, Scientist D.

The 2023 amendment to regulate online content was held unconstitutional for violating fundamental rights, lacking clear guidelines, and enabling arbitrary government censorship.

Headnote:(A) Information Technology Act, 2000 - Section 79 - Constitution of India - Article 14, Article 19(1)(a), Article 19(1)(g), Article 19(2) - Amendment Rules 2023 challenged for being ultra vires and infringing fundamental rights, particularly free speech - Court found amendment to empower government control over content as unconstitutional and lacking safeguards against arbitrary action - Dissent allowed. (Paras 1-218)

Facts of the case:
The Petitioners, comprising various media and individual users, challenged the 2023 amendment granting the government excessive power to regulate online content related to its activities, claiming it stifles dissent and criticism, violating fundamental rights.

Findings of Court:
The court ruled the amendment as unconstitutional, directly violating the protective measures of fundamental rights and lacking any transparent process for designation of content as misleading or false, thus creating a chilling effect on free expression.

Issues: Whether the 2023 amendment engenders unconstitutional restrictions on free speech and whether its provisions align with legislative intent as outlined in the parent Act.

Ratio Decidendi: The amendment is characterized as vague and overly broad, potentially leading to censorship rather than constructive oversight, where the government is not positioned as the sole arbiter of truth, undermining democratic engagement.

Result: The Court struck down the 2023 amendment, reinforcing the need for clear guidelines protecting free speech.

Judgement Key Points

The legal judgment thoroughly examines the constitutionality of the 2023 amendment to the rules governing online content regulation. The Court finds that the amendment violates fundamental rights, particularly the right to free speech under Article 19(1)(a), and infringes on other rights such as the right to carry on a profession under Article 19(1)(g). The core concern is that the amendment grants the government unilateral authority to determine what constitutes fake, false, or misleading content relating to the "business of the Central Government," without clear guidelines or procedural safeguards (!) (!) (!) .

The Court highlights that the terms "fake," "false," or "misleading" are inherently vague and overbroad, risking arbitrary censorship and a chilling effect on free expression (!) (!) (!) . The absence of precise definitions, procedural safeguards, and transparent guidelines creates a risk of misuse, leading to potential suppression of dissent, satire, and critical commentary, which are vital components of a democratic marketplace of ideas (!) (!) (!) (!) .

Furthermore, the Court emphasizes that the amendment improperly shifts the responsibility of content verification from the creator or originator to intermediaries, who are not in control of the content and rely on vague and subjective determinations by the government’s FCU. This shift results in de facto censorship, as intermediaries are compelled to remove content identified by the FCU as fake, without any opportunity for the content creator or user to defend or contest such identification (!) (!) (!) (!) .

The Court also notes that the classification of content related to the "business of the Central Government" as a special class that warrants different treatment is unjustified and constitutes invidious discrimination, violating the principle of rational classification under constitutional law (!) (!) (!) . The lack of clear, objective standards for determining what content falls within this category further exacerbates the overbreadth and vagueness issues.

In addition, the Court finds that the procedures for redress and appeal are inadequate, as the rules do not provide for fair hearing or disclosure of the material relied upon by the FCU, violating principles of natural justice (!) (!) (!) . The absence of safeguards against bias and the subjective nature of content identification undermine the rule of law and the constitutional guarantee of fair process.

The Court concludes that the amendment exceeds the powers granted under the parent statute, the IT Act, and is thus ultra vires. It also fails the constitutional tests of reasonableness, necessity, and proportionality, and cannot be justified as a reasonable restriction under Article 19(2) (!) (!) (!) .

Accordingly, the Court strikes down the 2023 amendment in its entirety, declaring it unconstitutional and void ab initio (!) (!) . The judgment underscores the importance of safeguarding free speech, natural justice, and the principle that restrictions on fundamental rights must be clear, narrowly tailored, and subject to judicial oversight to prevent arbitrary censorship and preserve democratic discourse.


Table of Content
1. digital manipulation raises issues of free speech. (Para 1 , 2 , 3)
2. amendments infringe fundamental rights. (Para 4 , 5)
3. the state lacks authority for censorship. (Para 6 , 7 , 8)
4. right to dissent is protected. (Para 9 , 12 , 18)
5. petitioners argue against suppression. (Para 13 , 14)
6. diverse voices challenge the amendment. (Para 15)
7. petitioners seek enforcement of rights. (Para 16 , 17)
8. the government cannot unilaterally classify content as false without guidelines. (Para 49 , 50 , 68)
9. the legitimacy of restrictions on free speech must meet stringent constitutional criteria. (Para 165 , 206)
10. censorship undermines democratic discourse. (Para 210)
11. government must not restrict questioning. (Para 212)
12. striking down the amendment protects rights. (Para 215 , 217)

JUDGMENT :

(G.S. Patel, J.) :

A. INTRODUCTION & OVERVIEW

1. These cases seem to me to represent an issue of significant immediacy in our times. On the one hand, the seemingly limitless reach and expansion of modes of communication over the internet, especially through social media. On the other, digital technology — the very one that powers the internet — now also allows, in a manner and to an extent never known before, the manipulation of information — text, graphic, videographic — to generate almost indetectable false information; information often revealed after the event to be ‘fake’. This is far beyond mere forgery; it is something else altogether: an entire chunk of information is manipulated to produce something wholly false. The voice of a famous politician is replicated with words he never spoke. The face of an actor is superimposed on a body and nobody can tell. This is not parody. This is not a prank. But because these fakes — most especially the ‘deep fakes’ where entire videos are conjured up — have such verisimilitude and because they, too, are capable of instant global propagation via the internet, their influence is profound. The boundaries between truth and falsehood are blurred. And with that, comes the blurring of the dividing line between the constitutional guarantee of the freedom of speech and expression and state-imposed limits on it. After all, who is to decide what is fake or false and what is authentic?

2. The several Petitioners and the Applicant, different voices from different quarters, are united in their complaint about the Central Government’s 2023 amendment to a particular Rule under the Information Technology Act. This amendment, they all say, has just one purpose: to muzzle criticism and questioning of the Central Government as it goes about its ‘business’, to stifle dissent from what the Central Government puts out in regard to affairs of the state. Through this amendment, the Central Government has anointed itself as the sole arbiter of what is or what is not ‘fake, false or misleading’. It, and it alone, will decide this, including the entirely ambiguous term ‘misleading’; and when it does, dare any ‘intermediary’ allow such information to continue to be hosted on a social media platform, that intermediary immediately risks losing statutory protection. The entire amendment is overbroad, vague and without controlling guidelines. It does not even provide for an opportunity for the propounder of any information to defend its correctness, and the government becomes a judge in its own cause (hence another dimension of violation of principles of natural justice).

3. The impugned Rule is ultra vires the governing parent Act, goes the submission. It purports to do that which the Act itself cannot. No rule by executive action, made under any rule-making power, can either go beyond the statute or do what the statute cannot.

4. Therefore, the amendment in question is, the Petitioners say, violative of constitutional freedoms; specifically, those guaranteed under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India, the right to free speech. At least one Petitioner has an argument positioned under Article 19(1)(g)

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